The following article appeared in the 195th issue of Intervention communiste, the journal of the Revolutionary Communist Party of France (PCRF). Underlining capitalism's role behind extreme heatwaves and fires, the article warns about French imperialism's shift toward a war economy.
PCRF: Let's stop the deadly spiral of capitalism!
From May to July 2026, the environmental conditions for the working class and ordinary people became violently extreme on an unprecedented scale.
Half of France experienced record heat for the month of May, with peaks exceeding 37 degrees Celsius, the heatwave causing an additional 5,764 deaths in June. In this context, unprecedented fires broke out, particularly in the southwest, destroying nearly 98,000 hectares. Grain harvests, corn, wheat, and barley, are expected to be reduced by 9 million tons across Europe, worsening conditions for agriculture and farmers already hit by the social crisis.
Were these catastrophes inevitable, the result of a mad and lawless nature? No, as current events show, these catastrophes are the product of a mode of production: capitalism. Today, only 5 out of 12 Canadair firefighting planes are operational in France, due to maintenance being entrusted to a private company that prioritizes its profits over replacing technicians and parts. Monique Barbut, Minister of Ecological Transition, recently negotiated her comfortable position as a bourgeois official by resigning and then returning to her post, having preferred to follow the fires from her comfortable residence in the Var rather than from the field. These are just two facts reminding us of a social issue of great magnitude: French capitalism cannot meet our needs, and even less so as it turns toward war to overcome the generalized crisis of the imperialist system.
The choice of war against peoples, at the expense of our interests!
The military-industrial complex continues its ever-stronger penetration within the state, the research sector, and green capitalism. The subordination of various sectors of capital to the war economy is central, and it is reinforced by financial incentives and the absorption of very small and small-to-medium enterprises (TPEs and SMEs) by large arms monopolies. Take the example of Dassault Aviation, which has invested 200 billion euros in the SME selling Harmattan AI drones. The war economy is also developing in aeronautics, new technologies, and energy—all sectors allowing French capital to compensate for its difficulties in other sectors like automobiles. While the increase in profits for the French financial oligarchy is confirmed in these areas serving the warlike interests of French imperialism, it comes at the cost of layoffs, business closures, and generalized wage cuts elsewhere. This is therefore a war waged by our ruling class against our working class and the popular masses, to the detriment of our environment, but also against the peoples of the world suffering under French imperialism. The peoples of West Africa and the Sahel, for example, have recently again seen the influence of French monopolies grow, through the "Africa Forwards" summit in Nairobi on May 11 and 12, 2026. There, French monopolies formalized a massive financial, military, and industrial return in a "Françafrique" renewed from a tactical point of view, but in continuity with its strategic objectives. These military and economic redeployments are part of a general instability within the imperialist system, whose contradictions are sharpening in the face of a generalized overproduction crisis turning into a financial crisis.
Indeed, contradictions with China are set to take on a new dimension, at a time when French companies, for example, now account for only 5% of public contracts in Senegal, compared to 30% for China.
At the European level, contradictions over the leadership of the EU remain acute. In this context, the "Franco-German couple" in no way prevents the fact that French and German monopolies have their own strengths and weaknesses, with some developing in certain sectors at the expense of others, and it is not yet possible to define an ascendancy of one of these two bourgeoisies over the other. Difficulties also arise from Spain and its advances: after years of delay, Spain has crossed the threshold of 2% of GDP devoted to defense, and it has entered the global top 15, almost already meeting NATO's new budgetary spending criteria.
Whether it be with the imperialist EU or with a so-called "alternative world to US hegemony" championed by capitalist China, the peoples of the world and the working class in France have nothing to hope for from solutions within capitalism-imperialism; because the problem is this mode of production!
Let us prepare the struggles for 2027, and beyond, for socialism!
The bourgeoisie is already trying to prepare its political stability today, with a government and personnel capable of ensuring the continuity of the policy of capital through the coming wars and contradictions. This is the stake of the 2027 presidential elections. Indeed, the imperialist crisis is causing instability among bourgeois governments, as well as instability in alliances with middle and petty-bourgeois strata, which are nevertheless necessary for capital to maintain its domination. Contradictions within state institutions will also intensify, as seen today in Education or Health, where popular needs are swept aside in favor of war. Elections are therefore central to forging worker consensus around the new "patriotism," "the greatness of France," "national unity," and to maintaining the illusion of bourgeois democracy, of which presidential elections are a key moment.
In France, even within capital itself, one could see hopes for political change, nurtured by the PS (Socialist Party) and LFI (France Unbowed), to form social-democratic bourgeois poles, but these parties are not yet ready to achieve it. Indeed, LFI cannot break free from its alliances with right-wing social democrats, particularly the PS, and its international program does not convince the strategic sectors of French capital, which refuse a Keynesian management of the social and political crisis.
State propaganda has revealed who the favored candidates of the monopolies are: Gabriel Attal and Édouard Philippe, embodying the continuity of the policy pursued for decades by the various bourgeois parties; but also Bardella, expressing a more openly nationalist option.
Faced with this situation and the class nature of the French state—an instrument of bourgeois violence—let us fight to give no votes to the candidates of capital and its management! It is in workplace struggles, often invisible, that the hope lies for building an alternative front and our vanguard party, the Revolutionary Communist Party of France. Today, only such a party is capable of offering popular resistance in the 2027 elections and against its future governments, against the environmental, social, and international war waged by our bourgeoisie!