Efforts to remove Communist Party of Israel-backed Joint List from elections

According to Al-Ittihad, In its brief statement, Likud said it does not want representation in the Knesset for those it describes as supporters of terrorism. It should be noted that Likud's government is based on parties that emerged from the terrorist "Kach" movement, which has been outlawed by Israeli law since 1994.

The Joint List is an alliance of three parties: Hadash (Democratic Front for Peace and Equality led by the Communist Party of Israel), Balad and Ta’al. United List represents Ra’am. 

National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir made a similar request. The following article, written by Amir Makhoul, was published in Al-Ittihad, the organ of the Communist Party of Israel. 

"The request to remove the unified list is dangerous and paves the way for more likely removal requests"

National Security Minister Ben-Gvir requested that the head of the Central Elections Committee disqualify the Joint List and ban its participation in the elections. This request, spanning 127 pages of arguments and attachments, demonstrates a systematic effort to monitor and track the List, its members, its ideology, and its affiliated institutions over an extended period. It also suggests the existence of a central command structure, with a division of labor among the components of the ruling coalition, preparing further requests to disqualify Arab parties or specific candidates.

It appears that another objective is political, characteristic of Netanyahu's school of political maneuvering, and based on targeting the Joint List openly since his press conference with Trump when he announced his intention to ban the Muslim Brotherhood, a clear reference to the Joint List. Netanyahu is pursuing this course of action out of fear of an alternative coalition formed by the current opposition, including the Joint List, and simultaneously to deter the opposition from forming any such coalition, which he considers illegitimate under Israeli law. This approach, therefore, serves Netanyahu's plan should he fail in the elections, preventing an alternative government and allowing him to maintain a caretaker government. Alternatively, he could secure a national unity government with a rotation agreement with Eisenkot, excluding the far right, which anticipates this scenario, particularly with Ben-Gvir. This might partially explain Netanyahu's lukewarm attitude towards Winter's right-wing party (Amacha Yisrael).

The debate in the Central Elections Committee, which is controlled by Netanyahu's coalition and is a highly political body, will be a crucial test for the opposition. While the opposition may fear supporting the disqualification, some within it will not hesitate to do so.

* The tactics that were used in the past, relying on the almost certain decision of the Supreme Court to cancel the dismissal, are no longer effective, as there is no guarantee that the Supreme Court, after the political changes in the identity of the judges and the government’s encirclement of its independence, and relying on the recommendation of the General Security Service, which has also had its identity significantly changed, will not be able to rely on the court’s judicial position at all.

* Nevertheless, it will be very difficult to ignore the proactive steps taken by the United Arab List, led by MK Mansour Abbas, in changing its identity and recently in including Yoav Segalovich as its second candidate; and it may even exceed the request for disqualification.

If this happens, it is not unlikely that candidates from the National Democratic Assembly will be disqualified in every election under the pretext of "a state for all its citizens." The candidacy of MK Ofer Cassif of the Democratic Front for Peace and Equality may also be targeted due to his active role in defending the Palestinian presence and his support for the case before the International Court of Justice regarding alleged genocide.

However, the fact that the Joint List, like Cassif, is part of the coalition will make it more difficult to approve its disqualification should a request to that effect be submitted and accepted by the Central Elections Committee. The court will review each candidate's case individually. While the Adalah Center has been admirably defending the rights of candidates in most disqualification cases, the new and more serious challenge lies in the nature of the court and the Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency), whose recommendations will be adopted in this matter.

What to do

I believe it will be crucial for both the joint and unified lists to take practical steps, including the following:

* Firstly, establishing an emergency room against disqualification based on the joint and unified lists, related efforts and campaigns, and the concerned political forces, whose mission is to confront disqualification requests judicially, popularly, in the media and internationally, as well as to monitor the intensive fascist and racist incitement, and to formulate a position on the Israeli fascist and racist parties and how to deal with them before the Central Elections Committee.

Secondly, adopting a joint campaign for the two lists in the face of the policy of disqualification, and it should be noted that campaigns have already begun in the Jewish community in this regard.

A surplus vote agreement should be signed as quickly as possible to ensure the largest possible Arab representation, and an alliance to counter the elimination.

Third, influencing parties in the opposition, either directly or through a popular campaign, to prevent them from voting in favor of the deletion.

Fourth, adopt an open line of communication with foreign embassies, exclusively European and American, to keep them informed around the clock of all developments and obstacles, as well as of existential racist incitement, and to request that they monitor the elections.